Pakistan's long and hard journey back to democracy

BY NASIM ZEHRA

IN ITS 61st year, democratic power, informed by values and spirit of participation, representation and accountability, has begun to resurface in Pakistan.
After 61 years of varied ruling structures ranging from democracy and martial law to khaki democracy to dictatorial democracy, legitimising frameworks ranging from constitution and Provincial Constitutional Orders, hurriedly passed constitutional amendments to doctrine of necessity and coups, finally the Pakistani society and politicians appear to have concluded that the only way forward is genuine constitutional democracy.
Hence on March 17 Pakistan's political history came full circle. In 1947 this democratic power gave us Pakistan, our independent homeland. By contrast, a section of the Indian National Congress leadership's non-democratic politics towards the Muslims of India caused the separation of parts of the pre-British India, a loose confederation called Hindustan. That separation occurred 61 years ago when the absence of communications meant relative isolation and atomisation of social and political groups, the idea of political representation still captured the hearts and minds of millions of Muslims who had lived alongside the non-Muslims for centuries. Such has been the power of democratic principles. Democratic and inclusive systems that promote politics along principled and egalitarian lines always capture human imagination and indeed much more now in times of unprecedented clamouring for rights and justice.
Pakistan's detour from democracy combined with the decision of its numerous rulers to often opt for double-edged security partnership in United States strategic designs in the region have yielded a plethora of constitutional, economic, security, ideological and sociological disasters. The outcome has been the unaccountable exercise of state and political power and the undermining of the intellectual, spiritual and cultural evolution of mainstream Pakistan. No less an admittedly marginal yet devastating brand of politics laced with bloodletting violence has emerged, attempting to overshadow mainstream democratic politics.
The yield of this deviation has been abundant distortions costly for the Pakistani state, society and politics; emergency rules, military operations, alienation of our Baloch sisters and brothers, the suffering of the patriotic Pakistanis of the tribal areas, the judicial hanging of an elected prime minister, the decade-long harassment of opposition leaders by the establishment and the ruling parties, forced and humiliating exit of a two time prime minister, supreme court storming, marginalisation of mainstream politics, systematic undermining of peoples' democratic temperament, the forced injection of political extremism, violence and intolerance in popular politics, the popularisation by the state of lethal security tools, the thoughtless nexus between security and religious beliefs, etc.
Collectively, the Pakistani nation has suffered the unending anti-democratic deviations, made possible by khaki and mufti power wielders. Yet the biggest losers have been the average Pakistanis who suffered the excesses of unaccountable exercise of power with minimal advantage of a state apparatus that must safeguard rights, ensure access to opportunities and to basic amenities to the less advantaged in society. The less advantaged of Pakistan have been the prime sufferers in a context where public space, public power and public funds are not regulated through transparent and credible rules.
The irony however is that the suffering and marginalisation, undoubtedly only contributed to the reinforcement of the Pakistani democratic spirit. Having lived through and indeed also having intermittently held faith in all the various systems the Pakistani faith in democracy has been rekindled.
A recall of the media's pivotal role is the return to genuine democracy is in order. A media that had come of age through battling an earlier military ruler General Zia ul Haq (1977-1989) for its freedom has long been a contributing factor to the definitive evolution of Pakistan's democratic soul. The year 2007, a landmark year for Pakistan's democratic journey, saw the influence of the media peak. The media covered, debated and reflected upon numerous land mark events in 2007.
These included the lawyers'-led pro-CJP's citizens movement, the May 12 killings of 48 people in the pro-CJP's Karachi rally, the July restoration of the CJP, the bloody and controversial June assault on the Red Mosque occupied by militants, the opposition leader and PPP Chairman Benazir Bhutto-Musharraf negotiations and meeting, the attempted return of the opposition leader and president of PML-N Nawaz Sharif, the November 3 imposition of the Emergency, Musharraf's ransacking of the judiciary and the emergence of Pakistan's 'real heroes' the 60 Supreme Court and Hugh Court judges who refused to take oath under the Provision Constitutional Order, the public pressure on Musharraf for rapid roll back of the emergency, the successful return of Nawaz Sharif, after repeated internal and external pressure, Musharraf's doffing of his army uniform, and the December assassination of Benazir Bhutto.
Having led and facilitated the debate on these numerous elements that went into the maturing of the Pakistani voter, covering the February 18 elections in a conscious and fair manner came almost naturally to the Pakistani media. The media which saw its own freedom steamrolled as all the independent channels were instantly taken off air when President Musharraf imposed the November 3 emergency, recognised yet again the hazards of functioning in a non-democratic context with no respite to independent courts.
In addition to the return of genuine politics, the year 2008 has also witnessed the early signs of the emergence of a new political culture and a shift in the balance of power. Carrying forward the spirit that ensured the joint formulation of the 2006 Charter of Democracy, the two mainstream parties along with the ANP and JUI, signed the Murree Declaration, agreed on a coalition government, amicably agreed on the division of cabinet positions and are now working on drawing up a Common Minimum Agenda outlining their response to the key challenges faced by the country.
The shift in Pakistan's balance of power has begun to decisively veer towards the parliamentary forces. The two 'As' traditionally influencing Pakistan's power structure, Army and America, were relatively marginalised in the election and the post-election phase. Pakistan's own political dynamics has asserted itself after decades of political manipulation, political bickering and constitutional deviations.
The leadership of two individuals, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, helped the politicians to reclaim their space in Pakistan's power construct. Benazir Bhutto, the unquestioned martyr of democracy, made the pragmatic moves to create the space for the return of genuine politics while the uncompromising Nawaz Sharif contributed to the shrinking of space for undemocratic forces.
How far will the Pakistan army and the presidency be restricted to their constitutional role as laid out in the 1973 constitution free of article 58(2)b will largely depend on the new ruling coalition. Irrespective of the intent of the presidency the supreme court and the armed forces cannot move successfully against the national political consensus which calls for genuine constitutional democracy.
The future of democratic politics will be as bright as the wisdom and sagacity of the political class that is now in Pakistan's driving seat. The parliamentarians no longer have the licence to fritter away the nation’s resources and their own energies on mindless bickering and battling. With shrinking resources, rising expectations, increasing violence decreasing security, rising regional challenges and global chaos with shortage of water, electricity and energy, the onus of creative, credible and competent policy making is now on the elected parliamentarians. Law making and policy formulation is their prime task.
Nasim Zehra is an Islamabad -based national security strategist